DC -- NMAAHC -- Exhibit (Concourse Level): Make Good the Promises: Reconstruction and Its Legacies:
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Description of Pictures: Make Good the Promises: Reconstruction and Its Legacies
September 24, 2021 – August 21, 2022
Make Good the Promises: Reconstruction and Its Legacies is a 4,300-square-foot exhibition exploring the Reconstruction era through an African American lens. It features more than 175 objects, 300 images, and 14 media programs. The exhibition explores the deep divisions and clashing visions about how to rebuild the nation after slavery. It connects that era to today’s efforts to make good on the promises of the Constitution.
In the aftermath of the Civil War, more than 4 million newly freed African Americans struggled to define themselves as equal citizens—to own land, to vote, to work for fair wages, build safe communities, educate themselves, and to rebuild families torn apart by slavery. Their aim during this period of Reconstruction was to live in a nation that kept the promises laid out in the U.S. Constitution. Black men were granted voting rights and were elected to political offices including seats in the U.S. Congress, Black families acquired land and started farms, and communities built churches and schools. But not everyone celebrated the end of slavery. Many responded with violence ranging from unlawful incarceration and voter intimidation to lynching and mass shootings.
Historians regard the Reconstruction era, from 1865 to 1877, as one of the least-understood periods in American history and a period filled with contradictions. Despite the passage of the 13th, 14th, and 15th amendments, which outlawed slavery, granted citizenship, and gave Black men the right to vote, racially motivated violence was prevalent and unfair labor practices created the system of sharecropping.
In March of 1865, Congress created the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands, commonly known as the Freedmen’s Bureau. This federal agency operated in 15 states throughout the South to help the newly freed acquire land, reunite with their families, and establish schools, includi ...More...
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PROMIS_210926_0007.JPG: Make Good the Promises
Reconstruction and Its Legacies
PROMIS_210926_0011.JPG: THE UNITED STATES EMERGED FROM THE CIVIL WAR FUNDAMENTALLY CHANGED.
For the first time, slavery did not legally exist within its borders. What this meant was the question before the nation.
Would four million newly freed people be truly free to determine their own lives? Would the nation's founding promises of liberty, equality, and justice be realized for all people, regardless of race?
These were the questions of Reconstruction.
They remain the challenges of today.
PROMIS_210926_0018.JPG: 1865: America Without Slavery
For newly freed men, women, and children in the South and African Americans throughout the nation, the end of the Civil War brought feelings of joy and hope, as well as turmoil and uncertainty.
What would America be like without slavery? How would their lives change? As the institution of slavery came apart, newly freed people began reconstructing their families and communities. Freedom offered new possibilities, some positive, some frightening.
What was certain was that things would not remain the same.
PROMIS_210926_0033.JPG: The Freedman, 1863. John Quincy Adams Ward (1830–1910) created this powerful sculpture of an African American man, chains broken, about to rise. Ward's intention was "to express not one set free by any proclamation so much as by his own love of freedom."
PROMIS_210926_0037.JPG: "A house divided against itself cannot stand."
-- Abraham Lincoln, 1858
PROMIS_210926_0042.JPG: Facing Freedom
PROMIS_210926_0052.JPG: Will we get justice?
PROMIS_210926_0057.JPG: Should we stay or leave?
PROMIS_210926_0061.JPG: Will we get land?
PROMIS_210926_0070.JPG: Emancipation
This 1865 illustration presented a vision of what life would be like for African Americans without slavery, including the freedom to get an education and provide safe homes for their families.
PROMIS_210926_0079.JPG: "This is the nation's golden hour,
Nerve every heart and hand,
To build on Justice, as a rock,
The future of the land."
-- Frances Ellen Watkins Harper, "Words for the Hour," ca. 1865
PROMIS_210926_0083.JPG: The Triumph of Freedom Over Slavery
The 13th Amendment to the United States Constitution, ratified in 1865, outlawed slavery and gave Congress the power to pass new laws to protect the rights of citizens.
PROMIS_210926_0088.JPG: Facing Freedom
PROMIS_210926_0090.JPG: How will we reunite our families?
PROMIS_210926_0097.JPG: Marching On!
This jubilant scene of African American troops marching through Charleston, South Carolina, in February 1865 depicted the Civil War as a war of liberation and victory over slavery.
PROMIS_210926_0104.JPG: "This is a country for white men, and by God, as long as I am president it shall be a government for white men."
-- President Andrew Johnson, 1865
"This is your country, but it is ours too; you were born here, so were we; your fathers fought for it, but our fathers fed them."
-- Freedmen's Convention of Georgia, 1866
PROMIS_210926_0107.JPG: RESISTANCE TO CHANGE
Not everyone celebrated the end of slavery. After the Civil War, white southern Democrats continued to uphold white supremacy as the basis for reconstructing southern society. Many white Americans rejected the idea of equal rights for African Americans, and some violently resisted the changes.
"As to recognizing the rights of freedmen ... I will say there is not one man or woman in all the South who believes they are free, but we consider them as stolen property -- stolen by the bayonets of the damnable United States government."
-- T. Yancey, Mississippi, 1865
PROMIS_210926_0112.JPG: Visions of Freedom
PROMIS_210926_0122.JPG: What and When was Reconstruction?
PROMIS_210926_0317.JPG: Family
Visions of Freedom
PROMIS_210926_0334.JPG: The Freedmen's Bureau Records
PROMIS_210926_0335.JPG: The Freedmen's Bureau
PROMIS_210926_0339.JPG: Freedmen's Bureau office in Memphis, Tennessee, 1866
PROMIS_210926_0350.JPG: Howard University and General Howard
PROMIS_210926_0354.JPG: Join the Freedmen's Bureau Project
The National Museum of African American History and Culture is leading a volunteer effort to transcribe the digitized records of the Freedmen's Bureau. To learn more about the Freedmen's Bureau Project and how to get involved, visit the Robert Frederick Smith Explore Your Family History Center on the museum's second floor, or visit the Smithsonian Transcription Center online at transcription.si.edu.
PROMIS_210926_0357.JPG: The Freedmen's Bureau, 1868
This Harper's Weekly illustration by A.R. Waud depicts the Freedmen's Bureau as a peacekeeping force standing between hostile groups of white and Black southerners.
PROMIS_210926_0359.JPG: Teacher and students at a freedmen's school, North Carolina, ca 1868
PROMIS_210926_0362.JPG: Freedman's Savings Bank
PROMIS_210926_0369.JPG: Freedman's Saving Bank deposit book
PROMIS_210926_0372.JPG: Frederick Douglass letter
In March 1874, in an effort to reassure African American depositors, officials elected Frederick Douglass as bank president. But Douglass soon realized the bank was insolvent, and advised Congress to shut it down to prevent further losses. He wrote this letter to one of the commissioners appointed to take charge of the bank's assets.
PROMIS_210926_0380.JPG: Divident Check
For several years after the bank closed, commissioners issued dividends to account holders for a percentage of their deposits. Robert Walker received this check for 10 percent of his $2 deposit in 1880.
PROMIS_210926_0387.JPG: "Pay Us Our Balance"
Still seeking reimbursement after 65 years, Henry Thomas wrote to NAACP Executive Secretary Walter White in 1939 asking him to lobby Congress on behalf of book depositors and their descendants.
PROMIS_210926_0395.JPG: Freedmen's Savings Bank Book
Mary Jane Johnson had $52.03 in her account at Augusta, Georgia, branch when the bank closed in 1874. She later received two dividend payments worth $15.61. She, or one of her heirs, sent this bank book to Washington, DC, in an attempt to claim the remaining funds.
PROMIS_210926_0403.JPG: Freedman's Savings Bank Facts
PROMIS_210926_0411.JPG: Family
Visions of Freedom
PROMIS_210926_0417.JPG: Marriage
PROMIS_210926_0420.JPG: Tintype portrait of a Buffalo Soldier and his wife, ca 1870
PROMIS_210926_0432.JPG: Marriage of a Colored Soldier at Vicksburg by Chaplain Warren of the Freedman's Bureau, 1866
PROMIS_210926_0436.JPG: Marriage license for Ezekiel Leonard and Mary Hammond, Georgia, 1869
PROMIS_210926_0440.JPG: Searching for Family
PROMIS_210926_0444.JPG: Allen Stephens Letter
In 1871, Allen Stephens wrote this letter to his former enslaver in Georgia. He asked for help locating his son, whom he wanted to come live with him. He also asked after his sister and brother, and wanted them to know he was doing well.
PROMIS_210926_0448.JPG: "I am very anxious to get my family together or as much so as possibly."
-- Allen Stephens, 1871
PROMIS_210926_0449.JPG: Looking Forward: FAMILY REUNIONS
The drive to discover and reinforce family connections has continued to guide the African American community through the tradition of family reunions. These celebratory events are a time to share family history, pass on traditions, and strengthen bonds through shared memories. Some families create symbols for their reunions to illustrate the importance of togetherness and family ties.
PROMIS_210926_0452.JPG: National Council of Negro Women Black Family Reunion Celebration, Washington, DC, 1986
PROMIS_210926_0456.JPG: Names
PROMIS_210926_0460.JPG: Registration of Plantation Census in Yazoo County, Mississippi, 1865-66
This register is arranged according to plantations in Yazoo County and includes the name, age, sex, occupation, and residence of the newly freed individual. It also registers the name of their former enslaver.
PROMIS_210926_0468.JPG: Chidren
PROMIS_210926_0479.JPG: Indenture Petition
A white farmer in Tennessee filed this court document in 1867 stating that a freedwoman named Harriet wanted her three young children bound to him as indentured workers. Courts often accepted the word of white landowners, even when African American parents protested that they had not given consent to indenture their children.
PROMIS_210926_0485.JPG: Women
PROMIS_210926_0487.JPG: "Only the BLACK WOMAN can say ‘when and where I enter, in the quiet, undisputed dignity of my womanhood, without violence and without suing or special patronage, then and there the whole Negro race enters with me.'"
-- Anna Julia Cooper, A Voice from the South, 1892
PROMIS_210926_0502.JPG: Anna Julia Cooper
PROMIS_210926_0506.JPG: Households
PROMIS_210926_0510.JPG: The May-Ellis Family
PROMIS_210926_0519.JPG: Bodice, 1860-1874
PROMIS_210926_0523.JPG: Democracy
Visions of Freedom
PROMIS_210926_0530.JPG: Constructing Black Political Power
PROMIS_210926_0534.JPG: Voter Registration Book
This book lists the names of men in Barbour County, Alabama, who registered to vote in the state's first Reconstruction election in 1867. To quality, voters had to take a loyalty oath to the US government. Statewide, 88,243 Black men and 72,748 white men registered.
PROMIS_210926_0537.JPG: The Vote
PROMIS_210926_0548.JPG: Union League Commission
During Reconstruction, most African Americans voted Republican, the political party that supported Black civil rights. Many became active in the Union League, a Republican organization that registered freedmen to vote and educated them about their rights. William Kennedy and Lewis Lindsey of Richmond, Virginia, received this commission as deputy members of the Grand State Council in 1869.
PROMIS_210926_0563.JPG: Representation: State and Local
PROMIS_210926_0570.JPG: House of Representatives Desk and Chair
When the first African Americans elected to Congress took their seats, they sat at desks like this one. This furniture, designed by Architect of the Capitol Thomas U. Walter, was used in the House Chamber from 1857 to 1873.
PROMIS_210926_0573.JPG: Representation: National
PROMIS_210926_0581.JPG: The First Colored Senator and Representatives, 1872
Left to right: Sen. Hiram Revels (Miss.), Representatives Benjamin Turner (Ala.), Robert DeLarge (S.C.), Josiah Walls (Fla.), Jefferson Long (Ga.), Joseph Rainey (S.C.), and Robert Elliott (S.C.).
PROMIS_210926_0587.JPG: Senate Tally Sheet
Hiram Rhodes Revels, a minister and educator, was elected as the first Black US senator in 1870. He took over the unfinished term of Jefferson Davis, the ex-president of the Confederacy, who left the Senate when Mississippi seceded in 1865. This tally sheet records Revels''s vote for the Enforcement Act of 1870, which Congress passed to protect the voting rights of African Americans.
PROMIS_210926_0589.JPG: George H. White
PROMIS_210926_0593.JPG: Ceremonial Sword
George H. White was an active member of Black fraternal organizations in New Bern, North Carolina. He received this ceremonial sword from the Grand United Order of Odd Fellows in the late 1890s.
PROMIS_210926_0600.JPG: Looking Forward:
African American Political Representation
PROMIS_210926_0603.JPG: Facts to Know About African American Political Representation after Reconstruction
PROMIS_210926_0606.JPG: Petition of Colored Citizens of South Carolina for Equal Rights Before the Law, and the Elective Franchise, 1865. This 54-foot-long petition bears the signatures of hundreds of men who participated in the State Convention of Colored People of South Carolina, held in Charleston in November 1865. The petitioners asked Congress to help them secure "our equal rights before the law," including the right to vote.
PROMIS_210926_0615.JPG: Freedmen's Conventions
PROMIS_210926_0618.JPG: "We simply desire that we shall be recognized as men; that we have no obstructions placed in our way; that the same laws which govern white men shall direct colored men; that we have the right of trial by a jury of our peers, that schools be opened or established for our children; that we be permitted to acquire homesteads for ourselves and children; that we be dealt with as others, in equity and justice."
-- Address of the Colored State Convention to the People of South Carolina, 1865
PROMIS_210926_0620.JPG: Four Signers of the 1865 South Carolina Petition
PROMIS_210926_0628.JPG: National Convention of Colored People, Nashville, Tennessee, 1876
PROMIS_210926_0632.JPG: Citizen Soldiers
PROMIS_210926_0635.JPG: Grand Army of the Republic Certificate
Charles Davis, a veteran of the 3rd US Colored Infantry and member of GAR Post 412 in York County, Pennsylvania, presented this certificate commemorating his Civil War service to his wife and children in 1900.
PROMIS_210926_0652.JPG: Kate Brown
On February 8, 1868, in Alexandria, Virginia, a white policeman violently dragged Kate Brown (1840-1883) off a train after she refused to move to the segregated car. The incident led to an investigation by the US Senate, where Brown worked. Brown sued the railroad and won $1,500 in damages. She also proposed a bill to protect the civil rights of Black passengers.
PROMIS_210926_0657.JPG: Negro Expulsion from Railway Car, Philadelphia,
The Illustrated London News, 1856
PROMIS_210926_0659.JPG: Equal Access
PROMIS_210926_0662.JPG: Octavius Catto
A prominent voice for African American civil rights, Octavius Catto (1839-1871) founded the Philadelphia chapter of the Equal Rights League of Pennsylvania in 1864. He led protests and helped draft legislation to outlaw segregated streetcars. On Election Day in 1871, Catto was shot and killed by a white man who was later acquitted by an all-white jury.
PROMIS_210926_0668.JPG: Anti-Segregation Pamphlet
In 1867, after years of petitions and protests by civil rights activists in Philadelphia, the state of Pennsylvania passed a law prohibiting railway companies from excluding or segregating Black passengers. In this pamphlet supporting the bill, white Republican congressman William D. Kelley wrote that "any degree of civil disability under which an emancipated slave is left, is just so much slavery left."
PROMIS_210926_0673.JPG: Civil Rights
PROMIS_210926_0675.JPG: To Thine Own Self Be True
This political cartoon depicts the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1875 as a moment when the nation lived up to is founding principles of equality and justice.
PROMIS_210926_0679.JPG: Equal Protection
PROMIS_210926_0687.JPG: The Shackle Broken -- by the Genius of Freedom
This scene from an 1874 lithograph shows Robert B. Elliott delivering his famous speech in support of the Civil Rights Act.
PROMIS_210926_0688.JPG: Robert Brown Elliot
A native of England, Robert B. Elliott (1842-1884) moved to Charleston, South Carolina, in 1867 and rose to prominence in state politics. In 1870, he was elected a US representative to Congress. He received national acclaim for his powerful speeches in support of civil rights legislation.
PROMIS_210926_0691.JPG: Red Shirt
During the 1876 election season, groups of armed white men wearing red shirts like this one terrorized Black voters in South Carolina. The Red Shirts' campaign of violence and intimidation succeeded in electing Democratic candidate Wade Hampton, a former Confederate officer, as governor.
PROMIS_210926_0700.JPG: "Of Course He Wants to Vote the Democratic Ticket!"
Illustration from Harper's Weekly, 1876
PROMIS_210926_0704.JPG: The Massacre of Six Colored Citizens
On July 8, 1876, an armed white mob attacked a Black militia company in Hamburg, South Carolina, and murdered six people. Rep. Robert Smalls of South Carolina presented an eyewitness account of the massacre to Congress and appealed for more military protection. But white Democrats blamed the Black militia for the violence, and President Ulysses S. Grant refused to send in federal troops.
PROMIS_210926_0712.JPG: Tissue Ballot
To ensure their candidates won the 1876 election, South Carolina Democrats used fraudulent methods such as the "tissue ballot." Voters received multiple ballots printed on thin tissue paper, stacked to look like a single ballot. When the ballot box was shaken, the tissue ballots separated, producing extra votes. This ballot was issued to Democratic voters in Richland County.
PROMIS_210926_0725.JPG: Reconstructing White Surepemacy
PROMIS_210926_0729.JPG: The Prostrate State
Written in 1873 by James S. Pike, a white Republican journalist from Maine, this racist portrayal of Black legislators in South Carolina influenced many northern white Republicans to abandon support for Reconstruction.
James Shepherd Pike
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
James Shepherd Pike (September 8, 1811 – November 29, 1882) was an American journalist and a historian of South Carolina during the Reconstruction Era
Biography
Pike was born in Calais, Maine and was a journalist in the United States during the mid 19th century. From 1850-1860 he was the chief Washington correspondent and associate editor of the New York Tribune. The Tribune was the chief source of news and commentary for many Republican newspapers across the country. Republican editors reprinted his dispatches prior to the outbreak of the American Civil War. In 1854 he led the fight against the Kansas-Nebraska Act, calling for the formation of a new political entity to oppose it. Pike wrote that a "solid phalanx of aggression rears its black head everywhere south of Mason and Dixon's line, banded for the propagation of Slavery all over the continent." His reports were, "widely quoted, bitterly attacked or enthusiastically praised; they exerted a profound influence upon public opinion and gave to their author national prominence, first as an uncompromising anti-slavery Whig, and later as an ardent Republican."
President Abraham Lincoln appointed Pike to be minister to the Netherlands, where he fought Confederate diplomatic efforts and promoted the Union war aims from 1861 to 1866. On returning to Washington in 1866, Pike resumed writing for the New York Tribune and also wrote editorials for the New York Sun.
Pike was an outspoken Radical Republican, standing with Thaddeus Stevens and Charles Sumner and opposing President Andrew Johnson. Long before black suffrage became a major issue Pike had come to believe that the freed slaves must be given the vote. Pike in 1866-67 strongly supported Black suffrage and the disqualification of most ex-Confederates from holding office.
Pike did not admire Ulysses S. Grant as a politician, and drifted away from the Republican party. By 1872 Pike was disenchanted with Black suffrage and the corruption and failures of Reconstruction. He argued the federal government should withdraw its soldiers from the Southern states. He was a strong supporter of the Liberal Republican movement that in 1872 opposed President Ulysses Grant, denouncing the corruption of his administration. Pike's boss, New York Tribune editor Horace Greeley, was the Liberal Republican nominee in 1872. Greeley lost to Grant by a landslide, then died. The new editor of the Tribune Whitelaw Reid sent Pike to South Carolina to study the conditions in the deep South under Reconstruction.
Pike's reports on South Carolina
In 1873 Pike toured South Carolina and wrote a series of newspaper articles, reprinted in newspapers across the country and republished in book form in 1874 as The Prostrate State: South Carolina under Negro Government. It was a widely read and highly influential first hand account of the details of Reconstruction government in South Carolina, that systematically exposed what Pike considered to be corruption, incompetence, bribery, financial misdeeds and misbehavior in the state legislature. His critics argued that the tone and emphasis was distorted and hostile toward African Americans and Grant Republicans.
The Prostrate State painted a lurid picture of corruption. Historian Eric Foner writes:
The book depicted a state engulfed by political corruption, drained by governmental extravagance, and under the control of "a mass of black barbarism." The South's problems, he insisted, arose from "Negro government." The solution was to restore leading whites to political power.
Historian John Hope Franklin said, "James S. Pike, the Maine journalist, wrote an account of misrule in South Carolina, appropriately called The Prostrate State, and painted a lurid picture of the conduct of Negro legislators and the general lack of decorum in the management of public affairs. Written so close to the period and first published as a series of newspaper pieces, The Prostrate State should perhaps not be classified as history at all. But for many years the book was regarded as authoritative -- contemporary history at its best. Thanks to Robert Franklin Durden, we now know that Pike did not really attempt to tell what he saw or even what happened in South Carolina during Reconstruction. By picking and choosing from his notes those events and incidents that supported his argument, he sought to place responsibility for the failure of Reconstruction on the Grant administration and on the freedmen, whom he despised with equal passion.
Durden wrote that the fundamental clue to Pike's hostile characterization of African Americans in his book The Prostrate State was that "in the 1850s no less than in the 1870s, . . . [we see] his constant antipathy toward the Negro race."
In his biographical study of Pike, Durden concluded that Pike had been ardently "free soil" before the American Civil War because he thought that the West should belong to the white man. Durden said Pike despaired of living alongside arrogant slaveholders and their repulsive human property, and that he urged peaceful secession during the 1860-61 crisis partly because he had one eye cocked on the chance of getting rid of a "mass of barbarism" and that during some of the Civil War's darker days he would have settled for a compromise peace if it meant only that a Gulf coast or Deep South "negro pen" would be lost to the Federal Union. Durden wrote that The Prostrate State makes sense only in this context, and to the extent that Pike's racial views were representative, "the Civil War and Reconstruction take on a new dimension of tragedy."
Historian Mark Summers concludes that Pike stressed the sensational, but "however maliciously and mendaciously he shaded his evidence, his accounts squared with those of his colleagues Charles Nordhoff of the New York Herald and H.P. Redfield of the Cincinnati Commercial. James Freeman Clarke, a leading Boston abolitionist, visited South Carolina and reported back to his Boston congregation that the facts presented by Pike, "were confirmed by every man whom I saw."
Durden (2000) reports:
A sweeping indictment of Republican rule in this state (and, by inference, other southern states), Pike's dramatic, "eye-witness" account gained much attention throughout the country. The book was so popular because it was seen as the work of an allegedly impartial Maine Republican and old foe of slavery who had come to his senses about the "wicked corruption" of the carpetbaggers and their "ignorant and barbaric" Negro allies. Pike's book not only played a role in the ending of Reconstruction but was much used by historians well into the twentieth century. In fact, it was far from objective, simply reflecting Pike's long-standing racism.
PROMIS_210926_0737.JPG: Democratic Ticket
On this 1868 election ticket from Missouri, the Democratic Party declared its opposition to racial equality and called for a "no" vote on ratifying the 14th Amendment, which promised equal protection of the laws to all US citizens.
[Printed on the ballot is:
In favor of a White Man's Government
Opposed to Negro Suffrage and Negro Equality
Constitutional Amendment, No
PROMIS_210926_0745.JPG: Danville Circular
In 1879, the Readjuster Party, a coalition of Black and white Republicans, won control of the Virginia legislature. Democrats in Danville, where Readjusters led the city council, circulated this pamphlet in 1883 describing interracial government as a threat to white supremacy. The circular inflamed racial tensions and led to the Readjusters' defeat.
PROMIS_210926_0749.JPG: Carpetbag
This type of traveling case made of carpet fabric was popular in the 1800s. Southerners coined the word "carpetbagger" in 1868 as a derisive term for northerners who came South after the Civil War seeking economic or political opportunities.
PROMIS_210926_0750.JPG: "White Man's Government"
PROMIS_210926_0755.JPG: Political cartoon from Tuscaloosa, Alabama, depicting a carpetbagger and a scalaway lynched by the Ku Klux Klan, 1868
Scalawag
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
In United States history, the term scalawag (sometimes spelled scallawag or scallywag) referred to white Southerners who supported Reconstruction policies and efforts after the conclusion of the American Civil War.
As with the term carpetbagger, the word has a long history of use as a slur in Southern partisan debates. The opponents of the scalawags claimed they were disloyal to traditional values and white supremacy. Scalawags were particularly hated by Southern Democrats, viewing them as traitors to their region. Most scalawags had been opposed to secession prior to the Civil War.
The term is commonly used in historical studies as a descriptor of Southern white Republicans, although some historians have discarded the term due to its history of pejorative connotations.
PROMIS_210926_0756.JPG: Ku Klux Klan Mask
The uniform white robes and pointed hoods associated with the modern Ku Klux Klan did not appear until the 1900s. During the organization's first phase in the 1860s and 1870s, Klan members wore various disguises. This mask belonged to John Campbell Van Hook, Jr., a former Confederate officer in North Carolina.
PROMIS_210926_0770.JPG: Carpet-Bag Misrule in Louisiana
The 1938 publication by the Louisiana State Museum promoted the southern white supremacist view of Reconstruction as a "tragedy" caused by northern carpetbaggers who supported political equality for African Americans.
PROMIS_210926_0775.JPG: Ku-Klux Democracy
PROMIS_210926_0777.JPG: Benjamin F. Randolph
PROMIS_210926_0780.JPG: James M. Hinds
PROMIS_210926_0786.JPG: The Invisible Empire
Albion W. Tourgee, a white attorney and US Army veteran from Ohio, moved to North Carolina in 1865. He entered politics as a supporter of African American civil rights and was threatened by the Ku Klux Klan. After he returned North in 1879, he published this account of the Klan's terrorist activities.
PROMIS_210926_0793.JPG: Peter Crosby Handbill
In December 1874, a white mob confronted Peter Crosby, the Black sheriff of Warren County, Mississippi, and forced him to resign. Crosby sent this notice to local Republicans asking for help reclaiming his office. When Crosby's supporters arrived in Vicksburg,
PROMIS_210926_0798.JPG: Land and Labor
Visions of Freedom
PROMIS_210926_0802.JPG: Economic independence was crucial to the newly freed. They knew that control of their own land and labor offered a solid foundation for self-sufficiency. Without that, they understood they remained under the power of white landowners, who blocked them from attaining their goals. As a consequence, thousands of individuals chose to move to new locations in hopes of finding better opportunities.
PROMIS_210926_0806.JPG: Land
PROMIS_210926_0811.JPG: Looking Forward:
Land Ownership
PROMIS_210926_0812.JPG: African American Farmland Ownership since 1900
1900 13,358,684 acres
1910 15,691,536 acres
1940 10,466,302 acres
1959 8,661,288 acres
1982 3,858,137 acres
1992 2,060,773 acres
2012 3,263,433 acres
Factors contributing to the loss of Black-owned farmland since 1920:
* Racial discrimination against Black farmers in obtaining bank loans and government subsidies
* Complex legal issues over inherited property
* Refusal to rent or sell to Black purchasers
* Consequences of overdependence on a single crop
PROMIS_210926_0818.JPG: Texas Freedom Colonies
PROMIS_210926_0820.JPG: Applications for Land
Through the Freedmen's Bureau, newly freed people could buy or lease land confiscated by the US government. This register records the names of freedmen who applied for land in Louisiana in 1865. it lists the crops they planned to grow and the resources they had available to start farming, including cash and livestock.
PROMIS_210926_0824.JPG: Freedman's Petition
"We Have Made These Lands What They Are"
A committee of freedmen on Edisto Island, South Carolina, sent this petition to President Andrew Johnson in October 1865 to protest the government returning the land granted to them to its former owners.
PROMIS_210926_0829.JPG: Special Field Orders No. 15
Gen. William T. Sherman set aside land along the coast of South Carolina and Georgia for settlement by African American families. He also created an administrator for the redistribution of the land and encouraged newly freed men to join the US Army.
PROMIS_210926_0833.JPG: Land Order
Richard Brown received this order from the Freedman's Bureau in April 1865 granting him 40 acres of land from a plantation in South Carolina.
PROMIS_210926_0849.JPG: 40 Acres and a Mule
PROMIS_210926_0852.JPG: Labor
PROMIS_210926_0857.JPG: The Contract
PROMIS_210926_0867.JPG: Family's Labor Contract
PROMIS_210926_0871.JPG: Freedman's Labor Contract
PROMIS_210926_0878.JPG: Convict Leasing
PROMIS_210926_0881.JPG: Chain gang working on the railroad.
North Carolina, ca 1885
PROMIS_210926_0883.JPG: Bricks Made by Convict Labor
PROMIS_210926_0895.JPG: Convict Labor Records
PROMIS_210926_0899.JPG: "Please Settle Justly with the Colored Girl Eliza"
When confronted with exploitation and abuse from white employers, many freedwomen refused to access these conditions and sought justice from the Freedmen's Bureau. An agent in North Carolina wrote this letter in 1865 on behalf of a young woman who had complained about not being paid fairly for her work.
PROMIS_210926_0904.JPG: Women and Work
PROMIS_210926_0907.JPG: Women doing washing.
Jefferson County, Florida
PROMIS_210926_0910.JPG: Women Inventors
PROMIS_210926_0923.JPG: Harriet Tubman
PROMIS_210926_0924.JPG: Apron owned by Harriet Tubman
PROMIS_210926_0931.JPG: Affidavit, ca 1898
Harriet Tubman requested $1,800 in compensation for three years of services rendered to the US Army during the Civil War.
PROMIS_210926_0936.JPG: Harriet Tubman, ca 1868
PROMIS_210926_0940.JPG: Migration
PROMIS_210926_0943.JPG: All Colored People That Want to go to Kansas, advertisement, 1877
PROMIS_210926_0948.JPG: The Exodus
In 1878, African Americans in Washington DC formed the Emigrant Aid Society to support freedpeople who were migrating out of the South. This fundraising pamphlet belonged to John Wesley Cromwell, an attorney, educator, and civil rights activist.
PROMIS_210926_0953.JPG: Coooperatives
PROMIS_210926_0957.JPG: Belle Ville, Georgia
PROMIS_210926_0960.JPG: Davis Bend, Mississippi
PROMIS_210926_0963.JPG: Community
Visions of Freedom
PROMIS_210926_0968.JPG: Education
PROMIS_210926_0976.JPG: Freedmen's School, South Carolina, 1862
One of the innovative steps taken by southern Reconstruction state legislatures was to pass laws promoting free education for all residents.
PROMIS_210926_0980.JPG: Freedmen's Schools
PROMIS_210926_0983.JPG: Targets for Terrorism
PROMIS_210926_0987.JPG: Free Schools for All
PROMIS_210926_0989.JPG: Revised Code of Mississippi
Mississippi, like most southern states, had no public education system before the Civil War. Under the Reconstruction government, free schools for all children were established. The revised state law of 1871 declared that "All of the children of this state... shall have, in all respects, equal advantages in public schools."
PROMIS_210926_0993.JPG: Storer College
PROMIS_210926_0998.JPG: Higher Education
PROMIS_210926_1003.JPG: Bladensburg Union Burial Association
PROMIS_210926_1006.JPG: Rev. Nelson W. Jordan
PROMIS_210926_1019.JPG: Freemasonry
PROMIS_210926_1023.JPG: Slippers
This pair of stars-and-stripes crocheted slippers, said to be made by Elizabeth Keckly, was given to Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy, on the occasion of President Abraham Lincoln's second inauguration in 1865.
PROMIS_210926_1039.JPG: Presbyterian Church on Edisto Island
PROMIS_210926_1048.JPG: Church Pew
This is one of the pews from the segregated balcony of the Presbyterian Church on Edisto Island. It was removed when the church was renovated in 2002.
PROMIS_210926_1052.JPG: Freedom to Worship
PROMIS_210926_1056.JPG: Building Black Churches
PROMIS_210926_1058.JPG: Looking Forward:
Black Churches in the Civil Rights Movement
PROMIS_210926_1064.JPG: Businesses
PROMIS_210926_1066.JPG: Robert Reed Church, Memphis Businessman
PROMIS_210926_1077.JPG: Silver Spoon
Mary Church Terrell, daughter of Robert and Louisa Church, was born in Memphis in 1863. She graduated from Oberlin College in Ohio and became a prominent educator, writer, and civil rights activist in Washington, DC. This silver spoon was engraved for her when she was a baby.
Wedding ring belonging to Louisa Ayers Church, 1862-1870
Cross pendant owned by Mary Church Terrell
AAA "Gem": AAA considers this location to be a "must see" point of interest. To see pictures of other areas that AAA considers to be Gems, click here.
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2021 photos: This year, which started with former child president's attempted coup and the continuation of the COVID-19 pandemic, gradually got better.
Trips this year:
(May, October) After getting fully vaccinated, I made two trips down to Asheville, NC to visit my dad and his wife Dixie, and
(mid-July) I made a quick trip up to Stockbridge, MA to see the Norman Rockwell Museum again as well as Daniel Chester French's place @ Chesterwood.
Equipment this year: I continued to use my Fuji XS-1 cameras but, depending on the event, I also used a Nikon D7000.
Number of photos taken this year: about 283,000, up slightly from 2020 levels but still really low.
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